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O zlorabi referenduma, s primerom »votlosti« referendumskega odločanja

O AVTORJU
Asistent na Pravni fakulteti v Ljubljani, odgovorni urednik Revusa
AVTOR
Andraž Teršek
SOAVTOR
TIP DOKUMENTA
Strokovni članki
KLJUČNE BESEDE
referendum, zloraba referenduma, legitimnost, izbrisani
KEYWORDS
referendum, abuse of referendum, Erased (the “Erased”), legitimacy
NASLOV SEKCIJE
Direct Democracy - Referendum Abuse Doctrine
SECTION
Neposredna demokracija - Doktrina zlorabe referenduma
PUBLIKACIJA
revija Revus
ŠTEVILKA PUBLIKACIJE ABS
4
LETO
2005
ZALOŽNIK
Klub Revus - Center za raziskovanje evropske Ustavnosti in demokracije
POVZETEK
(Dnevna) politika, sindikati in druge večje interesne skupine, ki jim ne uspe doseči kompromisa ali uresničiti partikularnih interesov, pogosto prelagajo breme za sprejemanje odločitev na volivce. Hkrati poskušajo določene politično organizirane skupine ljudi s pomočjo referendumskega odločanja uresničiti protiustavne ideje. Referendum je lahko (preizkušeno) sredstvo politične manipulacije, zato bi se v zdravi in pristno demokratični družbi morali izogibati uporabi referenduma za trenutne politične (strankarske, sindikalne ipd.) interese in za legitimiranje določene politike oziroma za iskanje plebiscitarne podpore zanjo. Pretirana uporaba referenduma slabi legitimnost parlamentarnega predstavništva in demokratičnost političnega sistema. Negacija integracijske in družbeno socialne funkcije referenduma je v Sloveniji postala očitna. Po drugi strani je politična oblast nenaklonjena referendumskemu odločanju o nekaterih najpomembnejših družbenih vprašanjih. Ob tem, ko se je vlada dolgo časa obotavljala v zvezi z razpisom referenduma o vstopu Slovenije v EU in NATO, se je odločila ratificirati Pogodbo o Ustavi za Evropo brez njenega referendumskega legitimiziranja. Dokler se institut referenduma uporablja v okviru ustavno dopustnih pravil politične igre je način njegove uporabe politično vprašanje. Po avtorjevem mnenju pa pri referendumu o t. i. tehničnem zakonu za izvedbo odločbe US o »izbrisanih« vprašanje smiselnosti referenduma, ki ni mogel vplivati na izvršljivost te odločbe, ni bilo le politično vprašanje, ampak tudi ustavnopravno vprašanje. S tega vidika je bilo odločanje državljanov »votlo«, imelo pa je pomembne politične posledice, tako v smislu rezultata na kasnejših državnozborskih volitvah kot zaradi nadaljnjega neizvrševanja odločbe US o izbrisanih.
SUMMARY
(Daily) politics, trade unions and other bigger interest groups who fail to reach an agreement or who fail to realize particular interest often displace burden of reaching a decision on voters. At the same time, other politically organized groups are trying to carry out unconstitutional goals by the use of referendum. Referendum can be used as a proven tool for political manipulation. That’s why in a healthy and genuine democratic society one should avoid using referendum for the momentarily political (that of the political parties, trade unions etc.) interests or as a means for legitimising certain policy or for gaining a plebiscitary support for it. Too much use of referendum lowers legitimacy of the parliamentary representation and of the democratic nature of the established political system as such. Negation of the integrative and social function of referendum has become apparent in Slovenia. On the other hand, it clearly seems unfavourable for the Slovenian government to expose some of the most important political and social issues to the plebiscitary decision making process. Slovenian government has hesitated for a considerable amount of time before calling a referendum on the question of joining the EU and NATO. Even more so, Treaty Establishing the Constitution of Europe was ratified without assuring its legitimacy by voting on referendum. As long as referendum is being used in accordance with constitutionally admissible rules of political game, the manner in which it is used represents a political question. Author suggests that in the case of referendum on “technical bill for the realization of the decision of the Slovenian Constitutional Court concerning the problem of ‘erased people’” the question of reasonableness of such referendum, which could not have any legal or even constitutional effect on the decision of the Constitutional Court did not represent merely political question but also a certain constitutional one. From this aspect the plebiscitary decision making of voters was “hollow” and could be (even considering prior case law of this court) evaluated as unconstitutional. Such voting nevertheless did have important political consequences, in terms of both parliamentary elections that same year and the present continuation of non-realization of the decision of the Constitutional Court on “erased people”.
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